Concerns regarding the state of the rule of law in Hungary
Members of the European Parliament
My name is Zoltán Purgel, and I live in Hungary, in a small town called Szegvár. This year, I turned 50 years old. (I will introduce myself in more detail at the very end of my letter.)
I am writing to share my deep concern with you and your fellow representatives regarding the state of the rule of law in Hungary. As a Hungarian citizen, I perceive that the functioning of democratic institutions, the judiciary, and law enforcement agencies in my country has significantly weakened. In my view, the independence of the branches of power has been compromised over the past 12–14 years, and political influence is palpable in numerous areas. Many fear that public institutions, the press, civil society organizations, and other social actors are facing increasing political pressure.
I believe that these processes threaten the core values of the European Union, particularly the rule of law, democracy, and respect for fundamental rights. I would like to share with you the severe political pressure affecting me—I want you to gain insight into the state of the rule of law in Hungary today through my own example. Based on my own case, I can boldly state that Hungary currently does not comply with the European Union’s rule of law conditions, which is primarily the responsibility of the previous government, but the current government is not doing anything either. It is out of sheer desperation that I decided to write a letter to the members of the European Parliament.
The political pressure affecting me began in January 2024 and continues to this day, and I have received no assistance in Hungary from any authority or government body. The main figures in my story are a „county politician,” the vice president of a court, and the mayor of a small town. These three individuals know each other personally and are supporters of a political party.
The political orders of the „county politician”
The process began in January 2024, when multiple lawsuits were initiated against me. They were instigated by the „county politician,” who at the time held a leadership position at one of the county offices. When I received the summons, I was terrified, because I had never had a court case before and am not well-versed in legal matters. The lawsuit was filed against me for defamation, and the case file was completely absurd, containing roughly 80% false statements. I also work as a journalist, but I very rarely write articles on public affairs or political topics. The lawsuit was initiated because of one such article. As a journalist, I decided to start an investigative inquiry to try and find out why the court had accepted the case instead of dismissing it. First, I looked into the background of the candidate judge, and it quickly turned out that they personally know the initiator of the lawsuit, the county politician. I completely by chance ran into the county politician at a town ceremony, who literally told me: „I hold the police and the court in my hands”—implying that he can have anyone persecuted on political grounds through his judicial and police connections. I filed a motion for bias, so the lawsuits were transferred to other cities, and after a few months, they were dismissed ex officio without a trial, as the court deemed them unfounded. I investigated and found out that lawsuits initiated by the county politician against other individuals were all dismissed in the same manner. It was proven that the county politician colludes with the candidate judge, meaning I would have stood no chance of a fair trial. Therefore, the lawsuit was dismissed, yet further political „orders” were still launched against me. In the meantime, I also found out that the county politician goes hunting together with the police chief.
The „vice president of the court”
I knew the vice president of the court personally; I used to meet them regularly in a circle of friends, and on occasion, I even sat across from them at dinner. I decided to tell them the information I had uncovered as a journalist regarding the connection between the county politician and the candidate judge. I requested an appointment, and the meeting took place in March 2024. I told them that despite being 48 years old, this was the first lawsuit in my life, and it saddened me that it was initiated against me as a political order. I explained that the county politician and the candidate judge knew each other personally, thereby violating my right to a fair trial. They promised to investigate the matter. I promised them that I would not make the case public. It was a friendly conversation, but the vice president of the court recorded the conversation with a voice recorder.
About half a year passed when I received a letter from the county police, which contained a summons for a criminal offense, but no other information was provided, such as what the offense actually was. I hired a lawyer and went to the police station on October 4, 2024, where I was informed that the informant was the vice president of the court, and the offense was false accusation. I was immediately processed as a criminal suspect, which humiliated me deeply and caused lasting psychological trauma. I was interrogated only after being processed; before that, I had no chance to defend myself. The police officers behaved in an extremely humiliating manner towards me—for instance, they once told me they would call commandos to have me beaten up. It was clear to me that the county police were biased, given that they were direct associates of the vice president of the county court, yet they did not declare a conflict of interest. My lawyer and I filed a complaint against the suspicion, which the county prosecution quickly accepted; I was cleared, and the case was closed.
I later found out that the reason for the complaint by the vice president of the county court might be that they had promised the county politician that my associates and I would be punished, dealt with on political grounds, and persecuted in the aforementioned lawsuit.
The case took an absurd turn because the vice president of the county court was not satisfied with the fact that the county prosecution staff member had accepted my complaint against the suspicion. Therefore, they sought out another partner judge and another prosecutor, from whom they could request that I be convicted and punished. The vice president of the county court likely arranged with the judge to request a new police procedure, in which my complaint against the suspicion would not be accepted. This second procedure is also handling by the exact same county police department and the exact same police detective as the first one. Thus, this show trial procedure is currently ongoing at the county police headquarters, and it is expected that within a few months, I will be unfairly convicted and punished due to political pressure.
Unfortunately, in January 2025, a shocking and sad incident occurred. A close acquaintance of the vice president of the county court threatened my life over the phone on January 8, 2025, at 15:13. This individual is the father of the girlfriend of the vice president of the county court, and I know him personally. He is an ill-tempered, hot-headed, resentful, and aggressive man. He practices Kyokushin karate competitively and works as security staff at nightlife venues. With my peaceful nature and „modest physique,” I cannot, nor do I wish to, compete with him. By the way, I reported this incident to the county police via email that very same day, but nothing happened. I handed over all the evidence to the police, but I deliberately did not file a formal complaint because I am afraid of these individuals. On October 16, 2025, at 17:40, another person threatened me over the phone, stating that they had police connections and said, literally: „we will stomp your guts out at the police headquarters!”. I recorded the entire telephone conversation, uploaded it to my YouTube channel, and sent it to the police with an accompanying letter, but nothing happened.
Following the change of government in Hungary this past April, I immediately requested the intervention of the Minister of the Interior, the Minister of Justice, the President of the Republic, and the Chief of Police in this matter, but they did not reply to my letter. After this, thinking that my letter might not have reached them, I personally traveled to Budapest—which is approximately 200 km away from me, despite my physical disability—and hand-delivered my letter to the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Justice, and the National Police Headquarters. To this day, no response has been received.
The mayor of the small town
I know the mayor personally; he used to be a good friend of mine.
In March 2025, under political pressure, the mayor terminated my employment—presumably at the request of the vice president of the county court. They took away the work I loved doing the most: documenting the events of my beloved town through documentary photos and videos. For my work, I received a symbolic, token salary.
In August 2025, the mayor published a manipulated photo of me on the town’s official website and Facebook page, accompanied by highly offensive textual content. The original photo was downloaded from my Facebook profile and modified by editing black glasses onto my face, among other changes. Consequently, in the manipulated image, I look like a criminal who is wanted by the police. Beneath the photo, offensive text is written, stating, for instance, that „I am a pedophile and I am turned on by little boys.” This post remains accessible to this day on an official, state-run page—in Hungary, as an act of political revenge, even this can be done without any consequences.
A strange incident occurred on August 7, 2025. In the night hours, at approximately 22:00, the mayor appeared at my family home, seemingly under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Unfortunately, I made the mistake of letting him into my house. At this time, my family was already asleep; we began talking in another room about the political pressure, and we discussed the grievances for nearly three hours. I learned a great deal from him—for instance, that the vice president of the county court passes on information about me and my cases, thereby violating judicial confidentiality. Since a security camera operates in my office, the entire conversation was recorded on video with audio. In the recording, it is stated how they, together with the vice president of the county court, will arrange for me to be sent to prison innocently. When I told him that I have such severe health impairments that I would no longer be put in prison, the mayor replied, „you will go to a prison hospital.” The entire conversation (approximately 178 minutes) was recorded.
A Christmas gift: the police appeared at my family home
Four months later, another shocking incident occurred.
On the morning of December 22, 2025, the police appeared at my family home, of which I was informed by my neighbor that evening. I was not at home at the time; since the police did not find me there, they left after waiting a short while. I immediately reviewed the security camera footage, which clearly shows this latest persecution „ordered” directly ahead of Christmas. (The security camera footage:https://youtu.be/DuuAjuhwQTs )
I was terrified because I suspected that another „gift” had arrived from this same political circle. That very same day, I wrote a letter to the Minister of the Interior, who initiated an investigation with the body supervising the police. In January 2025, they determined that it was an instance of police abuse of power, and they halted the police procedure. It turned out that the informant was the mayor, who is a friend of the vice president of the county court.
It never came to light why I had been reported; I never found out. It was likely a report concerning a threat to human life or related to drugs, because the police do not deploy just for fun, and certainly not at Christmas. And there is one more thing I realized: the police officers who arrived at my family home did not belong to the police department with local jurisdiction, meaning they should not have taken action in the town where I live.
Thus, this matter was closed, but after a few months, yet another wave of political pressure was launched.
Birthday gift: the first lawsuit of my life on my 50th birthday
In March 2026, I received a court summons from the court where the vice president of the county court works. The lawsuit was initiated because I had recorded the conversation with the mayor on video on August 7, 2025. The court hearing was on my 50th birthday, May 28, 2026—this is no coincidence, this was „ordered” by the mayor from the vice president of the county court. So, another „gift,” another form of political pressure, timed for my birthday. This fact clearly reflects why Hungary does not comply with the European Union’s rule of law conditions. In Hungary, a politician can arrange at a court for someone’s lawsuit to be scheduled on their birthday.
Unusually, despite this being a first-instance procedure, legal representation was mandatory. Unfortunately, I was unable to find a lawyer, even though I contacted almost every law firm in the given city. When they heard that it was a political case involving the vice president of the county court, no one dared to take on the case because they feared the vengeance and retaliation of the vice president of the county court. I contacted a legal defense foundation, which advised me to request a state-appointed „legal aid lawyer.” In Hungary, there is a law stating that if someone is eligible for such a service on social grounds or due to health impairments, the authority will appoint a lawyer in such cases. The authority designated an individual, who immediately declined because they feared retaliation from the vice president of the county court. Another lawyer was designated, and they also declined. A third lawyer was designated, and they declined as well—but the authority ultimately compelled them to provide representation for the lawsuit. Officially, I was assigned a lawyer on May 26, 2026, just two days before the court hearing on May 28, 2026. Therefore, for 92% of the duration of the lawsuit, I had no legal representation, which violates my constitutional rights. At the beginning of the case, I informed the judge that due to my severe health impairments and physical disability, I would be unable to attend the hearing in person, so I requested to participate online via remote hearing. I received a promise for this, yet the remote hearing was never implemented. I submitted petitions to the judge, but he disregarded those as well. In the correspondence, I clearly proved that the mayor was aware that my family home was equipped with cameras and that everything is recorded there. I attached photos for the judge showing the warning signs. This fact is also clearly evident from the privacy policy drafted for the security system, and the document explicitly states that these recordings—which were captured exclusively on my private property—may be published on the internet. I also informed the judge that the mayor qualifies as a public figure, and I am a registered journalist holding a press card. I sent him the position statement of the National Association of Hungarian Journalists, titled „Hands off investigative journalists. The judge disregarded these as well and made no mention of them in the court order. I object to the fact that the county court failed to take into account freedom of expression, freedom of the press, the free discussion of public affairs, democracy, etc. The judge ignored the documents I had submitted. On June 11, 2026, the county court rendered a judgment against me without the judge even hearing me out or considering the documents I had submitted. I was convicted on political grounds; my right to a fair trial was violated, along with my rights regarding the restriction of freedom of expression. Furthermore, the county court should have declared a conflict of interest due to bias, since the mayor is a friend of the vice president. The judgment delivered by the court contains 85% false statements. In the judgment, I was ordered to destroy the two recordings in which the mayor talks about how he and the vice president of the county court will get me sent to prison, and where they discuss my cases, thereby violating judicial confidentiality. I am unable to file an appeal to the second instance because there is no lawyer who would take it on, as they fear retaliation from the vice president of the county court. I submitted a formal complaint to the president of the court, but they ignored the matter and did not even write a reply. Due to this case, I initiated proceedings at the European Court of Human Rights on June 17, 2026.
It is a strange coincidence that on May 28, 2026 (my 50th birthday), the Government of Hungary initiated the accession to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office. (On June 10, 2026, the European Commission approved Hungary’s accession to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office as the 25th member state.)
Fine for trademark infringement
I would like to present another case to you where, driven by political motives, a mayor’s office imposes a financial fine for a ridiculous reason—in Hungary, such things can happen. It is clear that this incident is another instance of political pressure against me, and constitutes an abuse of office on the part of the mayor—an occurrence that can take place in Hungary today without any consequences.
The mayor’s office repeatedly fined me for trademark infringement because a certain graphic appears in the profile picture of a business Facebook page. (I registered this Facebook page 18 years ago, but I have not been operating it for a long time, and I am not its administrator.) The absurdity of the case lies in the fact that I drew this particular graphic 25 years ago on my computer using a vector graphics program, and—as a local patriot who wanted to contribute to our community—I offered it to the town free of charge. Therefore, the trademark forming the basis of the fine is my own „child,” the copyright belongs exclusively to me, and my creation is registered with the patent authority (the name of the office in Hungarian is the National Intellectual Property Office).
The case is also bizarre because a mayor’s office generally cannot impose a fine for trademark infringement. I am unable to appeal the decision because the penalty letter arrives in a way that it has already become legally binding, with no option for appeal. The mayor’s office does not mail this letter through a post office; instead, a staff member from the mayor’s office brings it personally to my family home and drops it into my mailbox. There is neither a sender nor a stamp on the envelope; it only has my name and address written on it by hand.
The situation is clever and particularly humiliating because I regularly receive unrealistically high fines, approximately every two months, for using my own trademark. (The amount of the fine is roughly five times my current monthly income.)
In my view, the financial fines imposed on me were not based solely on legal considerations but were politically motivated; I am powerless against it, and the mayor and his staff member are committing an abuse of office. In my judgment, the requirements of equal treatment and objectivity were violated during the procedure, as the background of the decision indicates that my political opinions and convictions influenced the actions of the mayor’s office.
I have reported this case as well to the supervisory bodies, the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Justice, and the Government Office. Nothing has happened, and I have not even received a reply.
The suicide of the police chief
In democratic societies, the question often arises as to how independently the police can function from political power. In Hungary, incidents have regularly occurred where police actions are influenced by political considerations, and certain decisions serve government interests rather than the consistent enforcement of the law.
On September 19, 2025, a shocking incident shook Hungary: the police chief of a town committed suicide, shooting himself in the head with his service weapon inside the official building. The incident took place in a town 25 km away from where I live. I personally know the wife of the deceased police chief, and I also learned more information from the family. It is staggering to me that in Hungary today, a politician, public figure, public servant, head of an office, mayor, notary, etc., can „send” the police after anyone, and anyone can be humiliated.
I learned that the police chief committed suicide due to political pressure, because his superiors demanded that he take into police custody several opposition politicians. The police chief refused to do this, and instead escaped into suicide. His two minor children will grow up without a father. Several of my journalist colleagues uncovered the real reason, but at the family’s request, it was not made public. I attended the funeral service at the church, and it was deeply distressing for me emotionally.
Lately in Hungary, this political „license” has become very fashionable, where the police suspect someone and then later acquit them. But with the booking process, they humiliate them, drag them through the mud, and inflict psychological wounds that never heal—just as they did to me. Even if the political „order,” the police abuse of power, or the abuse of office is proven, no change whatsoever occurs in Hungary because there are very few law enforcement workers, and younger people are not choosing this profession. Consequently, corrupt police officers are not fired from police departments, and the police officer because of whom the police chief committed suicide still holds a leadership position today.
Introduction
At the end of my letter, I would like to briefly introduce myself and outline my work for the community. I am fifty years old this year, and I live in my beloved birthplace, Szegvár, a village with a population of 4,000. I am a humanities-oriented, quiet, reserved, and sensitive person; the politically motivated cases happening around me tear me apart emotionally, and the thought of suicide has crossed my mind many times. The only reason I have not been able to go through with it so far is that I have a 9-year-old son.
I have dedicated my life to public service; for 19 years, I have been the leader of a Hungarian patient organization, helping Hungarian autoimmune patients through our voluntary work. Last year, for example, we donated a high-value infusion pump device to the pediatric autoimmune department of the National Institute of Rheumatology and Physiotherapy (ORFI) hospital in Budapest(Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IgUQCIIA7ho)
As a volunteer over the past 30 years, I have earned indelible merits by processing the local history and photographic documentation of Szegvár. Over the past 26 years, I have taken more than one hundred thousand (!) documentary photos in Szegvár, and digitalized approximately one hundred thousand archival photos.My hobby is nature photography, and in 2007, one of my photos was selected by National Geographic as one of the „100 best Hungarian nature photos”. Yet now, I have become an exile of Szegvár—with the cooperation of the very same political circle that I mentioned above.
I have a severe, 71% health impairment due to my systemic autoimmune disease, and I live on a meager pension-like benefit of approximately 270 EUR per month. Due to my illness, I have mobility impairments.
I have been involved in journalism for 24 years, although I do not consider myself a journalist—I primarily produce photographic reports, and political or opinion-based pieces by me are rarely published. (I hold a press card and am also a member of the Hungarian journalists’ association.)
Due to political pressure, they have taken everything from me: my job, my modest livelihood, and my honor. I live in constant dread of when the next humiliation will occur, when the police will arrest me; I fear that they will frame me for something and I will end up in prison. I ask you to imagine what it is like that, despite my hitherto irreproachable life, I now have to fear the Hungarian justice system and the police. Even though there has been a change of government in Hungary, I have received no help in my cases from the current government. In my view, this is yet another reason why Hungary does not meet the criteria of the rule of law.
Everyone in my own country has abandoned me with these abusive and fabricated cases; now I am forced to negotiate with European Union judicial bodies, public figures, and politicians. Last autumn, I launched my English-language website, www.justitiainhungary.eu, with the aim of seeking advice and trying to find some kind of „lifeline.” The Hungarian-language portal www.korruptrendorseg.hu is also my website.
In April 2025, in order to protect democratic values and to promote responsible, transparent public service based on the principle of democracy, I initiated a petition on several social issues, such as the review of Hungarian legislation and the dismissal of certain judicial and law enforcement employees. I have been deeply disappointed by the Hungarian justice system and law enforcement; I believe that justice is not a privilege, but a fundamental right. I feel that this disillusionment will remain with me for the rest of my life, but I want my 9-year-old son to grow up in a society where the law protects everyone equally, rather than instilling fear in those it is meant to serve. I feel bitterness because, in Hungary, justice does not apply to everyone equally, and I am fed up with the fact that those who should be providing protection are often the very ones abusing their power. Together with my fellow volunteers, our primary goal is the restoration of justice in Hungary, the eradication of political pressure, and the elimination of judicial bias and police brutality.
I believe that in Hungary today, Lady Justice does not have her eyes covered, but rather her mouth, her scales contain handcuffs, and the sword has been twisted out of her hand by a politician, a corrupt police officer, or a judge. Together with my companions, we do not want to stand against order, but in support of the rule of law; not against security, but in favor of fair and humane treatment. Together with my companions, I want to achieve a state where a politician, public figure, or public servant cannot send the police after their opponent, where law enforcement and judicial bodies operate independently, where a leading politician cannot „make a call” or „place an order” to a high-ranking police officer, and where a police chief cannot be driven to suicide. I launched the petition on my websites, https://www.justitiainhungary.eu/alairasgyujtes/ and https://www.korruptrendorseg.hu/, which will run until December 31, 2026.
I would like to ask you and your colleagues to help me with advice in my case, and to request Hungarian politicians and authorities to investigate my matters. My email address is: zoltan@purgel.hu. I welcome any kind of „lifeline” or advice. If you are able to support our voluntary work with a financial contribution, you can send your donation to me through the www.justitiainhungary.eu/donate website.
I respectfully ask you to continue to pay close attention to the situation in Hungary, and to support those European initiatives that contribute to the strengthening of democratic institutions, the protection of the independence of the judiciary, and the enforcement of core EU values. I was 28 years old when Hungary joined the European Union, which meant a great deal to me. I believe that the European Parliament has an important role to play in ensuring that the guarantees of democracy and the rule of law are secured for every EU citizen. These are not being met in Hungary today, as my case demonstrates.
Thank you for taking the time to read my letter and for considering the concerns I have raised.
Hungary, Szegvár, July 13, 2026.
Best regards,
Zoltán Purgel
Email: zoltan@purgel.hu